On 19 November, the new French Constituent Assembly overwhelmingly rejects Charles de Gaulle`s resignation.
After the votes French citizens cast in the constitutional referendum and general elections, which we covered in our 21 October post, were counted, the result was an overwhelming win for the `Three-parties alliance` consisting of the French Communist Party (PCF), the French Section of the Workers` International (SFIO) (Socialist Party), and the Popular Republican Movement (MRP) (Christian Democrats).
However, major differences have emerged between the coalition and General de Gaulle over the form of the Fourth Republic. De Gaulle favours a strong executive for the nation, but all three of the main parties wish to severely restrict the powers of the President. The Communists, who now hold 159 of the 522 seats, want an assembly with full constitutional powers and no time limit. In contrast, de Gaulle, the Socialists and the Popular Republican Movement (MRP) have been advocating for one with a term limited to only seven months, after which the draft constitution would be submitted for another referendum.
Despite this point of contention, the Assembly elected de Gaulle unanimously as head of the Government on 13 November.
Further issues arose almost immediately, however, as de Gaulle refused to give the Communists any important ministerial positions in the Cabinet.
De Gaulle escalated the row two days ago when he handed in his letter of resignation to the speaker of the Assembly. He declared that he considered the Government to be an agent of a foreign power, referring to the Communists` supposed connections to the Soviet Union and that he would refuse to entrust a Communist with "any post related to foreign affairs."
Today, the Assembly holds a vote on whether to accept or reject de Gaulle`s resignation. The result is a vote of 400 to 163 to reject his resignation.
De Gaulle accepts the mandate he wanted to throw away just a few days ago.
Picture: De Gaulle and the ministers of the Provisional Government of the French Republic, 2 November 1945
Source: Keystone-France
On 18 November 1945, General of the Army George C. Marshall resigns from his position as Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army.
Born in 1880, George Catlett Marshall graduated from the Virginia Military Institute in 1901 and quickly distinguished himself as a leader. Throughout the Great War, Marshall served as a staff officer, demonstrating exceptional organizational skills and strategic acumen. By the 1930s, Marshall`s career had advanced steadily, and his reputation as an exceptional planner and strategist grew.
In 1939, as tensions in Europe were escalating, President Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed Marshall as Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army. He was promoted to General and assumed office on 1 September 1939, the day Germany invaded Poland.
As Chief of Staff, Marshall played a pivotal role in transforming the U.S. Army from a modest peacetime force into a formidable military power capable of fighting on multiple global fronts. His primary focus was to build up the Army`s manpower, which expanded from around 190,000 soldiers in 1939 to over 8 million currently.
In 1941, he supported Lend-Lease aid to bolster the strength of Britain and other Allied nations against Nazi aggression. As the war progressed, Marshall became the principal military advisor to President Roosevelt and now to President Truman.
Marshall was a major architect behind the invasion of Europe, including the planning for Operation Overlord. Although he was considered for command of the invasion, Roosevelt believed he was indispensable in Washington and chose General Eisenhower instead.
His leadership style, marked by a calm demeanour, strategic foresight, and a strong emphasis on Allied unity, has earned him widespread respect and the moniker of the "organizer of victory."
However, with the war over, Marshall`s focus has shifted to post-war reconstruction and demobilization of the U.S. military.
Today, he formally resigns as Chief of Staff, but per the regulations that a General of the Army remains in service for life, he does not retire.
Picture: President Truman and Marshall on the General`s completion of his term as Chief of Staff, Nov. 26, 1945.
Source: George C. Marshall Foundation
On 17 November 1945, the British military tribunal in Lüneburg, Germany, sentences 11 former SS personnel, concentration camp staff, and kapos to death by hanging for crimes in Bergen-Belsen and Auschwitz, and another 18 to prison terms of one to 15 years.
When the trials began two months ago, which we covered in our 17 September post, under the Regulations for the Trial of War Criminals made under Royal Warrant of 14 June 1945, 45 defendants were charged with war crimes, focusing on acts committed in violation of the Hague Conventions and other international laws governing the treatment of prisoners of war and civilian populations.
While the prosecution has been criticized for being ill-prepared, the film evidence from Bergen-Belsen screened on 20 September, as well as the court`s visit to the camp the following day, presented convincing evidence of the harrowing conditions in the camp.
The defence, on the other hand, has pivoted on the accused arguing they were simply following orders or claiming ignorance of the atrocities occurring within the camps. Additionally, the defence has attempted to present the arrests of the defendants as illegal under the terms of the ceasefire for free withdrawal from the are reached between British troops and the Wehrmacht. However, this did not apply to SS personnel and was voided when they fired at prisoners within the camp and burned the camp`s records.
Today, the presiding judge reads the final sentences. Eleven of the accused receive death sentences, including: Josef Kramer, the former commandant of Auschwitz and Bergen Belsen; the camp doctor, Fritz Klein; head female warden, Elisabeth Volkenrath; and female SS guard Irma Grese.
Three SS defendants are sentenced to 15 years in prison, five to ten years, and one each to five, three, and one year. Eight kapos (prisoner functionaries) are also handed varying prison sentences.
The executions are to be carried out less than a month from now, on 13 December.
Picture: The defendants sit in the prisoner dock during a session of the trial. Among the prisoners are; (1) Josef Kramer, (2) Fritz Klein, (3) Peter Weingartner.
Source: AP
On 16 November 1945, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) is officially established as 37 states sign the agency`s Constitution.
The roots of UNESCO trace back to the International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC), established by the League of Nations in 1922. This committee, supported by an advisory body of prominent intellectuals, sought to promote international collaboration in education, science, and culture. Figures such as Marie Curie and Albert Einstein were involved, but despite some achievements, the ICIC struggled due to limited funding and the League`s eventual decline.
The idea of creating a new international organization for education and culture gained momentum during the war. It became clear to many that rebuilding peace would require more than military and political alliances—it would need intellectual and cultural solidarity.
Since 16 November 1942, UN member representatives have been meeting in London at the Conference of Allied Ministers of Education (CAME) and have laid the groundwork for the planned post-war educational and cultural cooperation.
The formal push for a new international agency accelerated in 1945 as the war drew to a close. In April 1945, the United Nations Conference on International Organization (UNCIO) convened in San Francisco to draft the UN Charter. There, discussions about establishing a specialized agency for education and culture were prioritized in accordance with CAME proposals. A decision was made to organize the United Nations Conference for the establishment of an educational and cultural organization (ECO/CONF), which opened on 1 November and concludes today.
Of the representatives of 44 states present at today`s closing ceremony, 37 sign the Constitution of UNESCO today, thus allowing for the formation of a Preparatory Commission which will bring the new agency into life "to contribute to peace and security by promoting collaboration among nations through education, science, and culture."
Picture: Some of UNESCO’s founding nations, seen here meeting in London in 1945
Source: UNESCO
On 15 November 1945, following a series of talks in Washington D.C., U.S. President Truman, British Prime Minister Attlee, and Canadian Prime Minister Mackenzie King issue a joint statement on atomic policy.
We bring you the most significant parts from the two-page statement:
˝1. We recognize that the application of recent scientific discoveries to the methods and practice of war has placed at the disposal of mankind means of destruction hitherto unknown, against which there can be no adequate military defence, and in the employment of which no single nation can in fact have a monopoly.
6. We have considered the question of the disclosure of detailed information concerning the practical industrial application of atomic energy. The military exploitation of atomic energy depends, in large part, upon the same methods and processes as would be required for industrial uses. We are not convinced that the spreading of the specialized information regarding the practical application of atomic energy, before it is possible to devise effective, reciprocal and enforceable safeguards acceptable to all nations, would contribute to a constructive solution of the problem of the atomic bomb...
7. In order to attain the most effective means of entirely eliminating the use of atomic energy for destructive purposes and promoting its widest use for industrial and humanitarian purposes, we are of the opinion that at the earliest practicable date a Commission should be set up under the United Nations...
In particular, the Commission should make specific proposals:
(a) For extending between all nations the exchange of basic scientific information for peaceful ends.
(b) For control of atomic energy to the extent necessary to ensure its use only for peaceful purposes.
(c) For the elimination from national armaments of atomic weapons and of all other major weapons adaptable to mass destruction.
(d) For effective safeguards by way of inspection and other means to protect complying States against the hazards of violations and evasions.˝
Picture: Truman, Attlee and Mackenzie King boarding the USCG Sequoia to discuss the atomic bomb
Source: Library and Archives Canada, C-023269
On the evening of 14 November 1945, a protest by Jewish residents in Tel Aviv against the British administration escalates into a violent riot.
The already tense situation in Mandatory Palestine has turned violent in the last few weeks as the Jewish insurgency, led by groups such as the Haganah, Irgun, and Lehi, now united under the name Jewish Resistance Movement, has intensified as these groups seek to resist British control and facilitate illegal immigration. Most recently, as we covered in our 1 November post, the Resistance Movement blew up 150 railroad bridges, stations, and junctions.
Worse yet, one of the only British representatives who had established a clear line of communication between himself and both the Arab and Jewish communities, Lord Gort, handed in his resignation on account of illness a few days ago, as you can read in our 5 November post, leaving the territory without local British leadership.
Earlier today, Jewish residents of Tel Aviv gathered in mass protests against the British government’s restrictive immigration policy. The protests quickly escalates into rioting, targeting key symbols of the British administration.
The District Administration, Control of Light Industries, and the Income Tax Department are attacked and set ablaze. An attempt to storm the Post Office is stopped by police officers and soldiers deployed to suppress the unrest.
Police initially resort to baton charges, but six attempts prove ineffective. Military reinforcements soon arrive and fire ten rounds after issuing warnings, causing the crowd to retreat.
Elsewhere in the city, troops face heavy stoning from protesters, leading to further rounds of gunfire after verbal warnings and injuries to three soldiers.
In response to the violence, the British administration issues a city-wide curfew in Tel Aviv. Similar protest meetings also took place in Jerusalem, though with significantly less violence. The Officer Administering the Government and the General Officer Commanding issued a proclamation urging the population to maintain law and order, warning of severe consequences.
Picture: British soldiers enforcing the curfew
Source: National Library of Israel
On 13 November 1945, the U.S. and British governments simultaneously announce the formation of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry regarding the problems of European Jewry and Palestine.
Neither the sudden eruption of anti-Jewish violence and Jewish Resistance Movement actions against the British in the Middle East, both of which we`ve covered in several posts over the last few days nor the longstanding struggle of the British Government to handle the situation in Palestine has prompted officials to seek solutions through a committee. It was the report on the devastating conditions in the European Displaced Person`s (DPs) camps submitted this June to President Truman by Earl G. Harrison, dean of the University of Pennsylvania Law School and former U. S. Commissioner of Immigration.
Truman responded by writing a letter to British Prime Minister Attlee, which we covered in our 31 August post, urging the British to allow further Jewish immigration to Palestine.
Attlee saw the letter as an opportunity to involve the U.S. government in British strategy without, at first, altering any British positions. On 16 September, Attlee responded cautiously, suggesting two North African camps to alleviate the overcrowding in the European DP centres.
Discussions in the British Cabinet led Foreign Minister Bevin to suggest a joint inquiry so that the U.S. would share the responsibility for the policies advocated. Thus, on 19 October, Lord Halifax, British ambassador to the U.S., brought Bevin`s proposal to Secretary of State James F. Byrnes.
Truman welcomed the idea of the Committee, as he was well aware of the dual commitments to both Arabs and Jews inherited from the late President Roosevelt.
The process of selecting the committee members, especially in the U.S., has been fraught with difficulty as few were willing to accept the political risks associated, while Truman struggled to find men who didn`t already hold a side.
Today, the British and U.S. governments announce the formation of a 12-person committee, leaving out the names of those selected.
Picture: Judah Leon Magnes and Martin Buber testifying before the Committee
Source: Central Zionist Archives
On 12 November 1945, Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov presents U.S. Ambassador to the Soviet Union, Averell Harriman, with a note criticizing the U.S. position on the proposed control mechanism for Japan and the Far East Commission.
Three days ago Harriman presented Molotov with a note explaining that the U.S. rejected the majority of the proposed Soviet changes to the control mechanism (Allied Military Council) and Far East Commission, expressing frustration at the Soviet Union’s unwillingness to commit to the American proposals in the unofficial bilateral negotiations at the beginning of this month and end of October.
In essence, the U.S. rejected Soviet changes, arguing they would delay decisions by requiring a unanimous Allied agreement, undermining U.S. authority and timely directives in Japan.
Today, Molotov presents Harriman with a somewhat harsh response, which we bring you select parts of:
˝As is evident from the reply... the U.S. Government evidently intends to basically preserve unchanged all the rights and privileges of the Supreme Commander... when he created and changed the regime with respect to Japan at his personal discretion without informing the Allied representatives in Japan. But such a concept excludes the necessity of creating any control body deserving of being called a control body.
I.V. Stalin recognized and continues to recognize that the U.S. has greater responsibility in Japanese affairs than the rest of the Allies, but he never agreed that only the U.S. bore responsibility... those Allied powers whose troops took an active part in defeating the Japanese armed forces also bear [some] responsibility...
The Soviet Government also considers it advisable that the principle of unanimity of the main powers be preserved when deciding questions in the Far East Consultative Commission...
It is evident from the above that the U.S. Government has no basis to fear that in the event of the adoption of the Soviet changes it “would be paralyzed in giving the Supreme Commander any directives”...˝
Picture: President Truman talks with Harriman in Berlin at the conclusion of the Potsdam Conference.
Source: U.S. National Archives
On 11 November 1945, parliamentary elections are held for the Constitutional Assembly of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia.
According to the Treaty of Vis and the Tito-Subašić Agreements, negotiated throughout late 1944 and early this year by the leader of the Yugoslav Partisans, Josip Broz Tito, and the prime minister of the Yugoslav government-in-exile, Ivan Šubašić, the government-in-exile and the National Committee for the Liberation of Yugoslavia (NKOJ) agreed to merge into a provisional government as soon as possible so that elections could be held to decide whether the state would be formed as a monarchy under King Peter II Karađorđević or a republic.
The provisional government established this March includes Tito as the prime minister and Šubašić as the foreign minister, the latter as one of eleven non-communist government ministers. However, only six of the eleven were previously members of the government-in-exile. Out of that six, only three were not supporters of, or not otherwise affiliated with, the Partisans – Šubašić, Šutej, and Grol, all of whom resigned their positions within months – Grol in August and the others in October.
The already incredibly popular People`s Front has used this to position itself, with backing from the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY), as the dominant political faction.
Today, 88,66%, or 7.432.469 people, of the 8.383.455 registered voters arrive at the polls
However, "collaborators of the occupier", that is, individual members of dozens of denounced organizations, some 194.158 people, are not allowed to vote. Additionally, the opposition, led by the Democratic Party of Milan Grol, has boycotted the elections.
Due to the large number of illiterate voters, voting is done by inserting marble-sized rubber balls into wooden boxes.
After the voter receives the ball and clenches his fist, they put their hand into each box, which, according to the rules, has to be covered with cloth so that it is not heard into which it is placed. At the end, the voter has to show an empty hand.
Picture: Yugoslav Army soldier casts his vote in Belgrade
Source: Museum of Yugoslavia
On 10 November 1945, British forces of the Indian 5th Division under the command of Major General Robert Mansergh begin their assault through Surabaya.
After Mansergh`s warning that unless Indonesian Tentara Keamanan Rakyat (TKR; People`s Security Armed Forces), as well as militias, lay down their arms by 0600 hours this morning, were delivered via airdropped leaflets into Surabaya yesterday, civilians had already begun fleeing the city.
The troops of the 5th Indian Division that Mansergh has assembled begin their advance today after his ultimatum is ignored by Indonesian forces in the city.
Just after 0600 hours, two cruisers and three destroyers begin shelling the city, soon followed by ground-attack aircraft hitting Indonesian nationalist strongholds.
Troops from the 49th, 9th, and 123rd Indian Infantry Brigades advance behind the barrage, supported by tanks.
TKR and militia forces initially put up a strong and fanatical resistance, holding each street and building, forcing the British Indian troops to conduct house-to-house clearing in order to progress through the city.
However, the disparity in capabilities soon starts to show. The methodical advance covered the air and sea allowed the British Indian troops to consolidate any gains quickly while preventing the Indonesian forces from engaging in any sort of open confrontation.
Civilians are, unsurprisingly, caught up in the fighting, with many thousands fleeing their homes.
The fighting seems unlikely to stop anytime soon, as the Indonesians will not give up their goal of independence, while the British seem intent on carrying out their mission and avenging the death of Brigadier Mallaby.
Picture: An Indian soldier guards a modified British Universal Carrier used by Indonesian nationalists
Source: IWM SE 5866
On 9 November 1945, leaflets containing a warning from Major General Robert Mansergh, commander of the British Indian 5th Division, for all women and children to evacuate Surabaya are airdropped over the city following a British ultimatum requesting Indonesian Republican forces to lay down their arms.
The skirmishes between British Indian troops and the Indonesian Tentara Keamanan Rakyat (TKR; People`s Security Armed Forces), as well as militias that happened last week and resulted in the killing of 49th Indian Infantry Brigade commander Brigadier A.W. Mallaby, which we covered in our 30 October post, have not calmed down. The situation in Surabaya, and East Java in general, seems to be entering a stage of open conflict.
Last night, Mansergh issued an ultimatum to the Indonesian forces, delivered via airdropped leaflets, requesting them to surrender their arms by 0600 hours on 10 November or face all the naval, army, and air forces under his command. The message ended with Mansergh`s warning that ˝All Indonesians who are not willing to follow these orders will be responsible for the bloodshed which will definitely result.˝
Mansergh has also begun landing reinforcements at the docks in Surabaya, including two more brigades, the 9th and 123rd Indian, from his Indian 5th Division. It seems that the Major General is serious about taking control of the city, as he has authorized the deployment of 24 M4 Sherman and M3 Stuart tanks in support of his troops, around two squadrons of ground-attack aircraft, as well as shore bombardment from two cruisers and three destroyers.
Indonesian forces, on the other hand, have shown no signs of plans to surrender to Mansergh`s ultimatum and have amassed even more troops in Surabaya itself, with further recruitment of both regular and militia troops across East Java.
Today, Masergh follows up his ultimatum with a request for civilians to evacuate Surabaya.
Clearly, the British have no intention of holding back their military actions in the city.
Picture: Communications for the Anglo-Indian forces facing Indonesian nationalists in Surabaya (Soerabaja) were maintained by field telephone.
Source: IWM SE 5657
On 8 November 1945, Western newspapers and Moscow radio report on a speech by Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov in which he called for collaboration in the United Nations to prevent its collapse à la the League of Nations, and the Soviet Union will soon `master the atomic bomb`.
The reports are full translations and choice snippets of Molotov`s speech made yesterday in Moscow on the occasion of October Revolution Day, officially the Day of the Great October Socialist Revolution. Curiously, Stalin was absent from the ceremony and handed the opportunity to give an address to Molotov. Speculations are that Stalin is of ill health, but reports contradict that, and it is likely that Stalin has simply delegated more of the formalities to his Foreign Minister and the Politburo in general.
In any case, Molotov argued that the failure of the London Conference of Foreign Ministers has been a sign of difficulties within the Anglo-Soviet coalition. Continuing, he stated that the coalition must be strengthened by the full implementation of the agreements made during the Crimea Conference.
Turning to the situation in Europe, Molotov challenged some foreign newspapers for trying to attribute radical social reforms in Europe to the increasing influence of the Soviet Union.
In regards to Germany, Molotov stated that the Soviet Union is not satisfied with the current state of affairs regarding reparations from Germany, adding: ˝We must not be guided by revenge, but must ensure that renewed aggression shall be made more difficult and that any new aggression shall be made more difficult and that any new aggressor will find himself isolated among the nations.˝
Finally, Molotov said that the safeguarding of peace has nothing in common with the policy of intensive rearmament and added that the Soviet Union will master the secret of atomic energy and many other things.
It seems quite clear that the Soviet Union sees U.S. possession of the atomic bomb as a challenge and maybe even a threat rather than a potential deterrent against future aggressors.
Picture: Molotov, seen in September 1945, stormed out of a meeting with President Harry S. Truman.
Source: AP
On 7 November 1945, RAF Group Captain Hugh J. Wilson, flying a Gloster Meteor F.4 named `Britannia`, becomes the first man to officially exceed 970 km/h or 600 mph and sets the first official airspeed record by a jet aircraft.
Britain`s premier jet fighter, the Gloster Meteor, has been in operation use since the middle of last year (read our 27 July 1944 post for more details on the plane`s development and first combat flight). However, the realization that pushing the plane into combat over continental Europe was far too risky at a time when other aircraft were already dismantling the Luftwaffe, have kept the type from achieving any wartime glory.
Wilson, on the other hand, has spent the last decade as a test pilot, earning a reputation for Blackburn Aircraft throughout the 1930s, and then since 1939 as the Commanding Officer of the Aerodynamic Flight of the Royal Aircraft Establishment (RAE) at RAF Farnborough.
He was chosen to conduct test flights of all captured enemy aircraft since 1941. Most famously, he carried out test flights on the only intact example captured by the Allies of the infamous Fw 190 fighter - Fw 190A-3 Werknummer 313, graciously provided by Oberleutnant Armin Faber who accidentally landed at RAF Pembrey in South Wales on 23 June 1942.
Wilson also gained extensive experience on the Meteor after joining No. 616 Squadron as their instructor last year.
However, for records to be set, some preparation and official measurements are needed. The last official FAI (Fédération Aéronautique Internationale) record was set all the way back on 26 April 1939 by German test pilot Fritz Wendel in his Messerschmitt Me 209 V1.
There are some unconfirmed reports of German test pilot Heini Ditmar reaching 1,130 km/h (700 mph) in the rocket-powered Me 163B V18, but FAI airspeed records require an average speed to be kept over a recognized course.
Today, Wilson averages 975.87 km/h or 606.38 mph and Eric Greenwood (Chief Test Pilot of the Gloster Aircraft Company) 970.43 km/h or 603 mph over a 2.99 km (1.86 mi) course at Herne Bay in Kent.
Picture: Wilson, climbs into the cockpit of the Meteor `Britannia`
Source: IWM CH 16622
On 6 November 1945, Lieutenant Governor-General of the Netherlands East Indies, Hubertus van Mook, issues a statement about the proposed solution for the future of Indonesia.
Van Mook`s meeting with Republic of Indonesia President Sukarno and Vice-President Muhammad Hatta, which we covered in our 23 October post, was met with a furious response from the Dutch Government.
He had defied The Hague’s explicit ban by talking to Sukarno, which could be interpreted as a sign that the Netherlands was recognising the Republic. It was only through Queen Wilhelmina’s personal intervention that Van Mook was not dismissed from his post.
The RI`s response came in the form of Hatta`s statement on 1 November that there could only be talks between the two sides if the Netherlands recognised the Republic, which both Van Mook and his government have seemingly ignored.
So today, Van Mook presents the policy of the Government of the Kingdom of the Netherlands:
˝The Government recognises the legitimate aspirations of the Indonesians towards national existence and is convinced that these aspirations can be realised by a process of evolution through friendly cooperation between the Indonesians and the Dutch.˝
˝The central government of this country will have to be reconstructed in such a way that it will consist of a democratic representative body, with a substantial majority of Indonesian members, and a council of ministers, under a governor-general, the Crown`s representative.˝
˝Indonesia will be called upon to become a full partner in the Kingdom which will be organised as a commonwealth consisting of participating territories.˝
The programme continues by emphasising the integration of civil service and an armed security force under the principles of racial equality.
There is little response from the RI representatives other than Foreign Minister Soebardjo`s statement that the only democratic way to decide on the issue is via a referendum under United Nations supervision. He ended by adding that he is confident the electorate would only give one answer - separation.
Picture: Dr. HJ van Mook in 1945
Source: Dutch National Archives 900-8558
On 5 November 1945, Lord Gort resigns from his position as High Commissioner for Palestine and Transjordan.
John Standish Surtees Prendergast Vereker, 6th Viscount Gort, known as Lord Gort, had a distinguished military career before his appointment as High Commissioner in November 1944. Born in 1886, Gort served with distinction in World War I, earning the Victoria Cross for bravery at the Battle of the Canal du Nord. He later rose to prominence as Chief of the Imperial General Staff from 1937 to 1939. During WWII, he commanded the British Expeditionary Force in France, overseeing the critical evacuation of British troops from Dunkirk in 1940. Though respected in military circles, Gort’s career took a political turn with his appointment to Palestine.
The war has driven increased Jewish migration to Palestine, sparking disputes over land rights and intensifying Arab fears of being displaced. British policy has wavered between limiting Jewish immigration to appease the Arab majority and accommodating Jewish aspirations for a national homeland.
The White Paper of 1939 restricted Jewish immigration, but wartime devastation and the horrors of the Holocaust brought renewed global support for the Jewish cause, with calls for Britain to reconsider its restrictive policies.
Gort’s tenure has been marked by attempts to maintain order while facing opposing demands from Jewish and Arab leaders. He has mediated between the communities surprisingly successfully and has earned the respect of both sides, but faced significant obstacles, especially with the rise of anti-Jewish riots, the most recent of which we covered in our 2 and 4 November posts, and the emergence of radical Jewish militias like the Irgun and Lehi, which oppose British control and have recently intensified their campaigns against British targets.
Gort’s resignation due to ill health is seemingly apolitical, but it comes amid an increasingly volatile situation in Mandatory Palestine.
Britain`s choice of a replacement for Gort will surely be a difficult one to make.
Picture: Lord Gort with Avraham Krinitzi, mayor of Ramat Gan, April 1945.
Source: National Photo Collection of Israel, D25-082
On 4 November 1945, anti-Jewish riots break out across Tripoli, Libya, marking the start of several nights of violence.
These riots are spurred by calls from Arab nationalist groups and are surely partly inspired by press reporting on recent anti-Zionist and anti-Jewish protests and riots in Syria, Lebanon, and Egypt, which we covered in our 2 November post.
In Tripoli itself, rumours swirl about Jews attacking a local Sharia magistrate and of fights between Jewish and Muslim youths. Reports of violence between Jews and Muslims in Mandatory Palestine add to the atmosphere.
The riots begin this evening, and they break out almost simultaneously in several areas of the city, suggesting some degree of planning in advance. Rioters loot Jewish shops and attack homes, businesses, and synagogues while calling for a jihad against the infidels. The Jews living in the Jewish Quarter itself are able to close off their area of the city, so those living outside the Quarter suffer the worst. Many of the rioters and the victims are known to each other, and there are reports of Muslims leaving the crowd after spotting a Jewish friend or neighbour. Other Muslim residents also give sanctuary to Jews.
The British military authorities will announce a curfew the following morning and deploy a few troops onto the streets.
But this does little to prevent the violence. For the following two evenings, there will be similar scenes of rioting. Violence will also spread to other towns and villages in the province of Tripolitania.
It won’t be until the morning of 7 November that the British restore order. By then, somewhere between 120 and 140 Jews will have been killed in Tripoli and beyond. Over 4,00 Jews will have been left homeless.
The British will have arrested at least 500 rioters. For many Libyan Jews, this will be a turning point, with safety in Libya looking increasingly uncertain.
Picture: Jews are returning to Libya from Bergen-Belsen
Source: Yad Vashem
On 3 November 1945, the Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia (RI), Muhammad Hatta, issues Decree Number X, which encourages the formation of parties ahead of the upcoming democratic elections.
A day after Sukarno and Hatta`s proclamation of an independent Indonesia, which we covered in our 17 August post, the Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence (PPKI) accepted the constitution drawn up by the Japanese administration-organized Investigating Committee for Preparatory Work for Independence (Badan Penyelidik Usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan) or BPUPK as the provisional Constitution of Indonesia and decided that during a six-month transition period, the new republic would be governed according to the constitution by a president (Sukarno), assisted by a National Committee, who would establish the two-chamber legislature mandated by the constitution.
On 29 August, Sukarno dissolved the PPKI and established the Central Indonesian National Committee (KNIP). Sukarno and Hatta appointed 135 members, including the membership of the PPKI, to this new body.
The development of the RI`s governmental system continued with Hatta`s Vice-Presidential Edict No. X on 16 October, which transferred the powers the Constitution conferred on the People`s Consultative Assembly and People`s Representative Council from the president to the KNIP, making the government more parliamentary, after pressure from left-leaning members. This was followed on 30 October with a decree that allowed the establishment of political parties.
Today, Hatta`s declaration announces the government`s wish for the emergence of political parties to be able to lead organized cooperation with all currents in society. It seems that the goal is to have political parties organized before the elections slated for January 1946.
Meanwhile, the situation concerning violence between British troops and Indonesian Republican forces in Surabaya, which we covered in our 25 and 30 October posts, seems to be getting worse.
Picture: Sukarno with BPUPK
Source: Getty Images
On 2 November 1945, anti-Jewish riots erupt across Cairo and Alexandria on Balfour Day, the 28th anniversary of the Balfour Declaration.
Anti-Zionist and anti-Jewish rhetoric has increased in recent years. In 1943, there were protests against the admission of Jewish refugees from Europe. In the summer of 1944, the Muslim brothers and Kutla Party began producing violent pamphlets against the Jews and Zionists. In the months leading up to the anniversary, Egyptian radio and the press have carried calls from the Wafd Party, the Muslim Brothers, and Misr al-Fatah for massive demonstrations. They believe that British policy in Palestine aligns with Zionist interests at the expense of the Arabs, although, as we covered in yesterday’s post, this is far from the truth.
This morning, an estimated 20,000 demonstrators gather at Cario’s Azhar Mosque. They then march to the King’s residence at ’Abidin Palace. Already, a separate group have attacked Jewish shops. The two groups meet and then march into the Jewish quarter, where they loot shops and homes, assault Jews, and set the Ashkenazi synagogue ablaze. They also attack non-Jewish properties, including the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate, Catholic churches, and a Coptic school. Unrest unrest continues into the night, ending with 400 people injured, and damages exceeding £1 million. Similar violence in Alexandria sees five Jews killed.
King Faruq will express his regrets to the Jewish community, and the government offers to pay for the reconstruction of the synagogue. Still, pressure grows on Egyptian Jews to pick a side – for or against Zionism. A few days from now, the head of the Sufi brotherhoods and the head of Al-Azhar University will call on Chief Rabbi Haim Nahum, to publicly denounce Zionism. Nahum will do so, putting him into conflict with the local Zionists.
Picture: British soldiers escort Jews evacuated from the Jewish Quarrter of the Old City of Jerusalem to the New City during Arab rioting. Someime between 1936-1939
Source: National Photo Collection of Israel D220-070
On the night of 1 November 1945, a series of coordinated explosions tear through the British railway network in Mandatory Palestine.
These explosions are the work of the newly formed Jewish Resistance Movement, which is a union of the paramilitary groups Haganah, Irgun, and Lehi.
In this operation, the Jewish fighters target over 150 sites, including the main railway station in Lydda, along with other bridges, stations, and junctions.
A Haganah strike force also attacks three British boats in Haifa and Jaffa, boats which are involved in preventing illegal Jewish immigration to Palestine. Two Jewish fighters are killed, along with two British soldiers and four Arabs.
The offensive follows the Zionist movement’s frustration with the new Labour government in Britain. Zionist hopes had been raised after the Labour Party Conference of December 1944, when party members had voted in favour of establishing a Jewish State in Palestine and removing existing restrictions on Jewish immigration.
However, British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin disregarded this resolution and instead persisted with the earlier policy laid out in the 1939 White Paper.
In contrast to a specifically Jewish state, this calls for the establishment of a Jewish national homeland only within the confines of an independent Palestine and the continuation of immigration quotas.
For Zionists in Europe and Palestine, this is unacceptable, especially as Jewish survivors of the Holocaust continue to languish in Displaced Persons Camps in Western Europe and face antisemitic violence in Eastern Europe.
As such, Jewish groups are already illegally transporting as many people as possible from Europe to Palestine, a process called Aliyah Bet. Head of the Jewish Agency, David Ben-Gurion, has also reversed his wartime opposition to armed attacks on the British; this is just the start of the Jewish insurgency in Palestine.
Picture: Palestine Railways H3 class 4-6-4T steam locomotive and freight train on the Jaffa and Jerusalem line after being sabotaged by Jewish terrorists, 1946
Source: Report of The General Manager on the Administration of the Palestine Railways 1946/47
On 31 October 1945, the RAF officially disbands `Tiger Force`, the British Commonwealth long-range heavy bomber force, slated to join the assault on the Japanese Home Islands.
By 27 October 1944, the U.S. Chiefs of Staff tentatively accepted Churchill`s offer made at the Second Quebec Conference of 40 Avro Lancaster squadrons to be made available for use in the Pacific after the war in Europe ended. Serious logistical hurdles remained, however.
On 23 November 1944, the British Air Ministry prepared a provisional plan, Operation Mould, for three Groups, each with 12 squadrons of heavy bombers and 6 squadrons of long-range fighters. A number of B-24 Liberators and Lancasters would also be converted for air-to-air refuelling.
Tiger Force was expected to begin operations from Okinawa in late 1945 or early 1946, and on 24 February 1945, Air Marshal Sir Hugh Lloyd was appointed commander.
However, as planning continued, the end of April saw the make-up of the force change. The six long-range fighter squadrons were dropped, the air-to-air refuelling plan was also shelved, and the 36 heavy bomber squadrons were reduced to 20.
By this point, serious modification efforts had begun on the aircraft. Instead of the normal seven-man crew, this was reduced to six, and the Rolls-Royce Merlin 24 engine was installed, along with the necessary tropical engine modifications, as well as installation of landing gear, radio and navigation equipment from the new Avro Lincoln.
Another significant change to the Lancaster was its camouflage scheme. The standard Bomber Command scheme in Europe was black undersides with green and brown on top; for the Lancasters in the `Tiger Force`, the black underside was kept, but the top was painted in a heat-reflecting white.
On 4 June, Churchill approved Tiger Force units using U.S. bases on Okinawa, and two convoys left Liverpool for the Pacific in late June and July.
However, the end of the war meant a halt to all further shipments.
Today, the Air Ministry and Bomber Command officially disband Tiger Force.
Picture: `Tiger Force` painted Lancasters of No. 35 Sqn RAF preparing for a Goodwill Tour of the USA
Source: Wingleader Archive
On 30 October 1945, a tenuous ceasefire in Surabaya breaks down, leading to the killing of 49th Indian Infantry Brigade commander Brigadier A.W. Mallaby.
The arrival of Mallaby`s forces in Surabaya, covered in our 25 October post, was not received well by the Indonesian forces, which consisted of some 20,000 soldiers from the Tentara Keamanan Rakyat (TKR; People`s Security Armed Forces) and an estimated 100,000 irregulars and militias.
However, both sides sought restraint and Mallaby quickly established contact with nationalist leaders like Governor Soerjo and militia commander Dr. Moestopo.
Relations broke down, however, on 27 October when a British aircraft dropped leaflets over Surabaya, with an order from General Douglas Hawthorn, 23rd Indian Division commander and Mallaby`s direct superior, for the Indonesians to surrender their arms within 48 hours.
By yesterday, the lightly armed 49th Brigade was facing encirclement and destruction by the enraged Indonesian troops and mobs, to which Mallaby requested intervention from Indonesian President Sukarno, Vice-President Hatta, and Amir Syarifuddin Harahap (the minister of information of Indonesia).
Today, they arrive on a British plane along with Maj. Gen. Hawthorn and meet at the Government Building in Surabaya and negotiate a ceasefire.
However, around 1600 hours, Mallaby receives desperate calls for help from the 5th Mahratta Regiment, under Maj. Venu K. Gopal, who are surrounded by Indonesian mobs and militia members in the Bank Building in the Internatio Square.
Mallaby sets off in a car to spread the message about the ceasefire. Then, around 1800 hours, a mob stops Mallaby`s vehicle near the Jembatan Merah or Red Bridge.
Gopal, fearing for Mallaby`s safety, orders his forces to fire into the air to disperse the mob, but this only inflames the situation.
A battle erupts between the two sides, and in the chaos, Mallaby is either shot by an Indonesian Republican or one of his staff throws a grenade from the car, accidentally killing him.
This will surely escalate the situation in Surabaya.
Picture: Burnt-out car of Brigadier Mallaby
Source: IWM SE 5724
On 29 October 1945, the trial of General Tomoyuki Yamashita begins in Manila.
Yamashita was promoted to General and handed command of the 14th Area Army in the Philippines in October 1944, likely in honour of his achievements of capturing Malaysia and Singapore from the British early in the war which earned him the nickname `Tiger of Malaya`. He arrived in the Philippines shortly before the U.S. landings at Leyte Gulf, which he attempted to counter using a protracted defence by retreating his forces into the mountainous regions of Luzon and adopting guerrilla tactics. However, in the process, the Japanese forces, particularly in Manila and other urban centres, engaged in numerous war crimes, including mass killings, torture, rape and other brutalities against civilians and POWs alike.
He was finally captured by Filipino guerilla and combined Filipino and U.S. forces on 2 September and surrendered his forces the day after, which you can read about in our 3 September post.
The war crimes case formed by the prosecution against Yamashita since his arrest centres on his failure to control his troops and prevent them from committing atrocities, thus making him responsible for the war crimes committed in the Philippines.
The prosecution has been building a case on the principle that a commander can be held liable for the actions of subordinates if he fails to take measures to control them or prevent such actions.
Today, a U.S. Military Tribunal convenes in the ballroom of the U.S. High Commissioner’s residence in downtown Manila.
Major General Russell B. Reynolds presides over the proceedings.
The defence, led by Colonel Harry E. Clarke Sr., has prepared an argument that Yamashita had been unable to maintain effective control over his troops due to the chaotic conditions of the retreat into the mountains and the disintegration of communication lines.
It remains to be seen whether Yamashita`s defence will hold against what seems to be an emerging principle in international law.
Picture: Yamashita (second from right) at his trial in Manila, November 1945
Source: U.S. National Archives
On 28 October 1945, the Czechoslovak Interim National Assembly convenes for the first time, re-establishing a temporary but functional legislature in Czechoslovakia.
The National Front coalition government set up along with the agreements made on the Košice Program on 5 April this year, have limited political participation in the Czechoslovak government under President Edvard Beneš to a narrow range of parties, including the Communist Party, National Socialist Party, Social Democratic Party, and the People’s Party in the Czech lands, while in Slovakia, only the Communist Party and the Democratic Party were allowed.
Following the plan laid out in the Košice Program, the Czechoslovak government has reached a point where it can plan for the establishment of a limited multi-party democracy, thus requiring a legislative body to stand in for a full National Assembly. The Interim Assembly has thus been planned and organized on the principle of an equal distribution of power for the National Front parties across the 300 seats.
Concurrently, the Košice Program`s denaturalization of German and Hungarian people in Czechoslovakia, along with the application of collective guilt for Nazi and fascist crimes to them, has been in full swing.
Three days ago, this process was extended to the property of Germans and Hungarians when Beneš issued Decree 108/1945. Officially the `Decree of the President concerning the confiscation of enemy property and on the Fund for National Restoration`, orders the confiscation of property from ˝physical persons having German or Hungarian ethnicity, unless they prove that they remained loyal to the Czechoslovak Republic and that they had not committed offences against the Czech or Slovak nation and that they had either taken part in the liberation of Czechoslovakia or were subject to Nazi or fascist terror˝.
Today, at the Interim National Assembly`s first session, the members vote to approve of Beneš`s presidency and approbate his presidential decrees as lawful post-facto.
Picture: Trainload of expelled ethnic Germans from Czechoslovakia arrives in Bavaria, Germany, after World War II
Source: Getty Images
On 27 October 1945, President Truman outlines the future of U.S. foreign policy at the Navy Day Celebration in New York City.
We bring you parts of his address:
˝The fleet, on V-J Day, consisted of 1200 warships, more than 50,000 supporting and landing craft, and over 40,000 navy planes. By that day, ours was a sea power never before equalled in the history of the world...
Now we are in the process of demobilizing our naval force. We are laying up ships. We are breaking up aircraft squadrons. We are rolling up bases, and releasing officers and men. But when our demobilization is all finished as planned, the United States will still be the greatest naval power on earth...
In addition to that naval power, we shall still have one of the most powerful air forces in the world...
Why do we seek to preserve this powerful Naval and Air Force, and establish this strong Army reserve? Why do we need to do that?
We have assured the world time and again... we do not seek for ourselves one inch of territory in any place in the world. Outside of the right to establish necessary bases for our own protection, we look for nothing which belongs to any other power...
We seek to use our military strength solely to preserve the peace of the world. For we now know that this is the only sure way to make our own freedom secure.
That is the basis of the foreign policy of the people of the United States.
The foreign policy of the United States is based firmly on fundamental principles of righteousness and justice. In carrying out those principles we shall firmly adhere to what we believe to be right; and we shall not give our approval to any compromise with evil...
We are now passing through a difficult phase of international relations. Unfortunately it has always been true after past wars, that the unity among allies, forged by their common peril, has tended to wear out as the danger passed...
The atomic bomb does not alter the basic foreign policy of the United States. It makes the development and application of our policy more urgent...˝
Picture: President Truman aboard the USS Renshaw. USS Missouri in the background.
On 26 October 1945, famous physicist Dr. Albert Einstein argues in an interview published in The Atlantic magazine that control over atomic bombs should be handed to a World Government.
His argument, in parts, is as follows:
˝The release of atomic energy has not created a new problem. It has merely made more urgent the necessity of solving an existing one. One could say that it has affected us quantitatively, not qualitatively. As long as there are sovereign nations possessing great power, war is inevitable...
I do not believe that the secret of the bomb should be given to the United Nations organization. I do not believe that it should be given to the Soviet Union...
The secret of the bomb should be committed to a World Government... This government should be founded by the United States, the Soviet Union, and Great Britain —the only three powers with great military strength...
Do I fear the tyranny of a World Government? Of course I do. But I fear still more the coming of another war or wars. Any government is certain to be evil to some extent. But a World Government is preferable to the far greater evil of wars, particularly with their intensified destructiveness...
Now that we have the atomic secret, we must not lose it, and that is what we should risk doing if we should give it to the United Nations organization or to the Soviet Union...
...We shall not have the secret very long, I know it is argued that no other country has money enough to spend on the development of the atomic bomb, and this fact assures us the secret for a long time. It is a mistake often made in this country to measure things by the amount of money they cost. But other countries which have the materials and the men can apply them to the work of developing atomic power if they care to do so...
Since I do not foresee that atomic energy is to be a great boon for a long time, I have to say that for the present it is a menace. Perhaps it is well that it should be. It may intimidate the human race into bringing order into its international affairs, which, without the pressure of fear, it would not do.˝
Picture: Einstein at Work, 1942
Source: Einstein Archives
On 25 October 1945, the 49th Indian Infantry Brigade, commanded by Brigadier A. W. S. Mallaby, arrives in Surabaya, Indonesia as part of the British-led Allied forces tasked with securing remaining POWs and restoring order.
After Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta`s declaration of an independent Republic of Indonesia on 17 August, violence erupted across Indonesia, with nationalist militias, known as pemuda, increasingly targeting Dutch and Japanese installations. The situation in Surabaya has been particularly complicated as Indonesian nationalist forces have taken control of much of the city.
Adding to the complexity, Japanese troops, still in Surabaya under orders from the Allies to maintain order until they could arrive, had largely lost control, especially after the senior Japanese commander in Surabaya, Vice Admiral Shibata Yaichiro, threw his support behind the Republicans and gave Indonesians ready access to arms before surrendering to a Royal Netherlands Navy captain.
Meanwhile, the Allied Southeast Asia Command (SEAC) under Lord Louis Mountbatten, has been working on following up on the Japanese surrender and repatriating Allied POWs. The first Allied Forces Netherlands East Indies (AFNEI), under Lt. Gen. Phillip Christison, landed recently in Jakarta, which we covered in our 29 September post, but have been met with increasing resistance and violence from armed groups of Indonesian nationalists.
Today, Mallaby and the 49th Indian Infantry Brigade, selected for their extensive combat experience in Burma, arrive in Surabaya with the same mission as Christison`s forces.
However, Mallaby’s orders are to avoid direct involvement in the brewing conflict between Indonesian nationalists and Dutch colonial forces.
British involvement, both political and military, has led to varied reactions from Indonesian nationalist groups. Some local leaders are partially receptive to foreign troops acting as mediators between them and the Dutch, but others see the British as facilitators of a return to Dutch colonial rule.
Picture: Men of the 4/7th Rajputs during a reconnaissance in force to locate positions held by Indonesian nationalists.
Source: IWM
On 24 October 1945, the Soviet Union ratifies the United Nations Charter, marking the official establishment of the United Nations Organization (UNO).
When the United Nations Charter was signed on 26 June at the San Francisco Conference by 50 countries, including all of the Allied Powers it marked out the goals of the new organization, primarily focused on preventing future global conflicts, promoting human rights, and fostering international cooperation. However, the charter required ratification by at least 29 signatories, including all five permanent members of the Security Council (the United States, United Kingdom, Soviet Union, China, and France) before the United Nations could officially come into existence.
The process of ratification has been ongoing ever since as the signatories` governments verified their country`s willingness to be a part of this global effort to provide an alternative to the horrors of a war that has barely just finished.
The U.S. was the first to ratify the charter on 8 August, with France following closely behind on 31 August. China ratified the charter on 28 September, and the United Kingdom followed suit on 20 October.
Today, the Soviet Union files its ratification, pushing the number of ratified signatories to the required 29, officially bringing the United Nations Organization into existence.
While the global war against fascism and nazism may be over, the UNO may prove to be needed very quickly, with violence and unrest brewing in Indochina and Indonesia as old colonial powers try to hold onto their possessions. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union and the Western Allies seem to be viewing each other with increasing suspicion over their agreed-upon split of control over Germany.
Picture: Andrei A. Gromyko, Ambassador to the United States; member of the delegation from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, signing the UN Charter, 26 June 1945
Source: UN7755675
On 23 October 1945, Lieutenant Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies Hubertus van Mook, meets Indonesian nationalist leaders Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta in Jakarta.
So far, the Dutch government, including van Mook, have underestimated the strength of the Indonesian independence movement, viewing the newly pronounced Republic of Indonesia as a product of Japanese collaboration. However, the British, who are now responsible for overseeing the surrender of Japanese forces in the region, seem to appreciate the scale of nationalist sentiment far better.
SEAC commander, Lord Louis Mountbatten, has been advising van Mook that the Dutch would need to engage with the Republic to avoid widespread conflict.
So far, van Mook and the Dutch government have been reluctant to negotiate with Sukarno, believing that Dutch control could be restored easily.
However, when British troops began arriving in Java in late September, which we covered in our 29 September post, they were met with strong nationalist resistance. As clashes between Indonesian nationalists and Japanese troops, which you can read about in our 14 October post, intensified, British commanders, including Lt. Gen. Philip Christison, realized they could not simply restore Dutch rule.
Despite the Dutch government’s objections, van Mook, who sees the situation getting out of hand, meets Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta today.
He proposes that the starting point for discussions should be Queen Wilhelmina’s speech from December 1942, which outlined a vague future of self-determination for the colony.
However, Agus Salim, representing the Republic during the negotiations, dismisses this, stating that the speech is outdated and that Indonesia is already independent. The Republic’s leaders express a willingness to cooperate with the Dutch but only on the basis of equality and mutual recognition of their sovereignty.
While no ceasefire or resolution is concretized, at least the Dutch colonial administration has recognized the Indonesians as legitimate parties at a negotiation table, even if the Dutch Government refuses to do so.
Picture: Van Mook in Indonesia
Source: KITLV 25309
On 22 October 1945, the work of the Military Intelligence Service Language School (MISLS) and its linguists are publicly revealed for the first time during a press conference at Fort Snelling, Minnesota.
The Military Intelligence Service Language School (MISLS) was created primarily based on the recognition by Capt. Kai E. Rasmussen, who had spent four years with the U.S. Army in Tokyo, Japan (1936-1940) and Lt. Col. John Weckerling, who had studied Japanese in Japan in the 1920s and returned to the U.S. as Assistant Military Attaché, that Japanese language experts would be vital for the war in the Pacific.
Initially based in San Francisco, the school was established in November 1941 under the direction of Rasmussen. However, with the growing anti-Japanese sentiment, especially on the West Coast following the attack on Pearl Harbor, the school was moved to Camp Savage in Minnesota in 1942. However, the school outgrew Camp Savage by August 1944 and moved to nearby Fort Snelling.
As Issei (first-generation Japanese immigrants) and Kibei (Japanese-Americans who studied in Japan for three or more years) were viewed with far more distrust, most of the students recruited for the MISLS were Nisei (second-generation Japanese Americans), many of whom volunteered for military service despite their families being held in internment camps.
Once at the language school, recruits undergo an intensive curriculum focused on Japanese language and culture, military terminology, and cryptography. Many of the instructors are Japanese-Americans with a strong command of both English and Japanese, while others are Caucasian experts in Asian languages. The training emphasized military translation and interpretation, preparing the linguists for a wide range of tasks, including document translation, prisoner interrogation, and communication interception.
Today, the secret program is revealed to the public for the first time, shedding some light on the vital contributions of the Japanese-American soldiers, as well as the ongoing work of MISLS with 160 instructors training 3,000 students.
Picture: Translators working at the MISLS, 1945
Source: Minnesota Historical Society
On 21 October 1945, a constitutional referendum and general elections are held in France for the first time since liberation.
While the Provisional Government of the French Republic (GPRF) has been working hard to restore political order and democratic governance, De Gaulle and other French leaders have recognized the need to revise or replace the Third Republic’s constitution (1875–1940), which had collapsed under the weight of internal political divisions and the Vichy government.
As a result, de Gaulle decided to organize a referendum to see whether French citizens, both in metropolitan France and various French colonies, would approve the creation of a new constitution, one that could prevent the kind of instability that had plagued France before the war.
Today`s referendum thus presents voters with two key questions:
First, whether they agreed to establish a Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution. Second, whether they approved a temporary governance structure in which the Assembly would operate under provisional constitutional laws.
In conjunction with the referendum, voters elect the Constituent Assembly, which will be responsible for drafting the new constitution.
These general elections are a historical first for France - French women get to cast their votes for the first time since the decision to grant female suffrage was made last year, which we covered in our 21 April 1944 post.
When the election results are announced in the coming weeks, French citizens will be shown to have overwhelmingly voted yes for both the referendum questions.
The elections will result in a tripartite coalition dominated by the French Communist Party (PCF), the French Section of the Workers` International (SFIO) (Socialist Party), and the Popular Republican Movement (MRP) (Christian Democrats).
De Gaulle will likely be head of government, but his propensity for a strong and unified executive may lead to disagreements with the left-leaning coalition in the Assembly.
Picture: Women in Paris vote for the first time, in municipal elections on 29 April 1945
Source: AFP
